Tag: Criminology

  • Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Case Study Essay

    Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Case Study Essay

    Case Study of Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Criminology Overview with Simple Essay. This essay will talk about the main organizational shape and motives of the Australian Wheat Board scandal. Hereafter referred to as AWB. This used to be a scandal of international magnitude, whereby AWB paid tremendous economic bribes to Iraq officers in blatant non-compliance with the guidelines set out in the Oil-for-Food program. Which used to hook up by using the United Nations. Moreover, this essay will talk about the proof introduced in the “Cole Royal Commission”. An inquiry was set up to look at the habits of numerous Australian organizations regarding the oil-for-food program. AWB a governmental corporation used to be the principal employer beneath scrutiny.

    Here are the articles to explain, Criminology Overview on a Case Study of Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Essay

    This essay will also examine the regulatory failures that facilitated corruption at the Governmental level to occur. Which remained predominantly unfettered for a protracted period. Incidences of governmental and corporate corruption and deviant behavior. Which often involve considerable numbers of active or passive participants, and are seldom the result of opportunism alone. But are far more often insidious and methodical by nature.

    The AWB case is a clear illustration of governmental corporate culture and demonstrates a plethora of systemic regulatory and policy failures. All of which further influenced and defined the AWB’s decision-making process and unethical posture. Lastly, the aforementioned material will discuss commencing with a summary and literature review. And comprehensive case analysis to demonstrate the ubiquitous nature of this particular type of Governmental crime. Which sits under the broad ambiguous umbrella of ‘white-collar’ crime.

    Case Summary

    Contemporary society in a globalized world demonstrates an almost overwhelming abundance of criminal activity, in particular, ‘white-collar crime’. However, numerous types of research demonstrate that not all crimes and criminals stand dealt with in the same manner. In fact, on closer examination, research has suggested that there is an innate tendency for specific crimes. And criminals to positively overlook, typically these being crimes of the powerful, primary example is that of the AWB scandal.

    The questionable Utilitarian approach of “seeking the greatest good for the greatest number of people”. Found assumed by the AWB and its Board, analyze in the Cole Enquiry Report. The Cole Report stimulated awareness of the fundamental deficiencies in both corporate governance and culture. Which play a significant function in permitting or precluding the occurrence of unethical conduct. Furthermore, the inaction demonstrated by the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade hereafter referred to as DFAT, and the Australian Federal Government in investigating claims against AWB further highlights the systemic failures that permitted AWB’s unethical behavior to prevail.

    Key causes

    The key causes of, and major influences on unethical behavior determined from the Cole report are:

    • The AWB organization’s strong profit-driven demand to meet financial or business objectives. And the promotion of tolerance for illegal/criminal acts (white-collar crime)
    • A culture of “getting the job done”, where corrupt acts stand justified under the proviso. That the greatest good will achieve for the company
    • A lack of control mechanisms and moral agents in both corporate and public sector governance
    • The implication of privatization of Australian rural entities
    • Policy and Regulatory design and the lack of adherence and implementation
    • Governmental oversight of wheat growing monopoly, international monopolization
    • Conduct of foreign policy – misconduct United Nations Oil-for-Food-Program – International Trade Sanctions.

    One crucial aspect to consider is that Australia is a signatory to both the United Nations Convention Against Corruption. And the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Officials in International Business Transactions. Australia’s interpretation of the aforementioned United Nations Convention is “The Criminal Code Amendment (Bribery of Foreign Public Officials) Act”, referred to as the “Bribery Act”. Which is the Australian Parliament’s legislative implementation of the latter convention.

    Review for Australian Wheat

    It is common knowledge that conventional criminals consider it normal to utilize any instrument or weapon to perpetrate a crime. Therefore, it would also seem normal for organizations to utilize the organization itself to acquire money from ‘victims’ by way of its deviant misbehavior. These ‘victims’ are varied and may be customers or members of the organization themselves. This is a prime example of what refer to as the organizational weapon. The organization is for white-collar criminals as the gun or knife is for conventional criminals.

    Harris and Hartman (2002), state that an organization’s culture consists of the values, norms, and attitudes of the people who intrinsically make up the organization. Moreover, the stated values demonstrate what is important; whereas norms reveal expected behavior; attitudes expose the mindset of individuals. Therefore, organizational culture informs people about what is important in the organization, expected behaviors, and how to observe things. Culture is a part of organizational life that influences the behavior, attitudes, and overall effectiveness of all members of an organization.

    Further to this

    Daboub & Coulton (2002) stressed the importance of organizations selecting business partners. Who share a comparable commitment to both the social and environmental practices and ethical commitment of the company. They further stated that this would assist in ensuring that the organization does not place itself in compromising situations. Due to unethical acts perpetrated by those companies with whom they have working associations. Robbins (2000) argued that today’s global business environment can lead to such problematic associations. And stated the need for organizations to take a fervent pro-active stance to further ensure. That the “codes of conduct” under which they operate are transparent, implicit, and adhered to by their associates.

    Furthermore, the political influence on large governmental or privatized organizations. The desire not to over-regulate can also be very influential. Politicians are mindful of the detrimental effect that heavy regulation can have on businesses that are often generous economic contributors. The will of governments not to introduce laws that hinder corporate activity stands evidenced by the lack of substantial powers. And penalties (specifically prison terms) available to regulatory bodies, the lack of resources available to enforce those provisions already available. The government’s commitment to regularly review any legislation that may impact adversely on the competition.

    Case Analysis

    The United Nations Oil-for-Food program involved not only companies but also governments. However, various activities by the Howard Government were outside the provisions of reference of the Cole Enquiry. Which was fundamentally sanctioned to examine the actions of the companies specifically mentioned in the 2004 United Nations report on the Oil-for-Food program. Furthermore, Cole was unable to examine the extent to which government policy during that period encouraged or discouraged bribes from the AWB, or equally whether Australian Government Ministers should have enquired further, especially considering that warnings were received that something was inappropriate. Or indeed how the government managed its relationship with the AWB throughout this protracted process.

    To illustrate further, Henry Bosch former chairperson of Transparency International Australia. Also one of Australia’s most experienced business regulators, argued that somebody somewhere must have known what was going on. Bosch stated to the Ethical Corporation that he suspected, that “the executives involved in winning contracts. Were a bit less careful than they should have been regarding the status of payments existing demanded”. The AWB’s justification for this deviant and criminal behavior was to argue. That it simply was not aware of the payments. Moreover, numerous critics pointed out that it was virtually impossible for government Ministers and various. Other officials to not have known, especially because the fees paid to the contractors selected by Saddam Hussein’s bureaucrats would have been noticeably and remarkably high the AWB’s responses raised far more questions than answers.

    Further to this

    The Cole Enquiry argued that the AWB’s structure was primarily to blame. For example; the company was responsible for the marketing and exporting of one of Australia’s major export commodities. Moreover, all Australian wheat exports passed through the offices of the so-called ‘single-desk’ export authority. Which was heavily vested in the AWB. The ‘single-desk’ export authority was established in 1915 to assist Australian wheat growers to get their products to global export markets. Therefore dealing with the AWB was a major factor for all businesses involved in Australia’s powerful expansive wheat growing sector.

    In addition to this, Iraq was a massive market and there was a need for the organization to justify its often-criticized monopoly on Australia’s global wheat exports, particularly in the face of strong competition from the United States and other suppliers. Numerous critics observed that since the AWB was privatized in 1998. And consequently listed on the Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) in 2001 the AWB had noticeably become far more extreme. Than its former bureaucratic culture might have previously endorsed.

    Established

    Furthermore, a United Nations report on October 27, 2005, established that the Australian Wheat Board (AWB) had paid $US221.7 ($AU300) million in bribes to the Iraqi Government between 1999 and 2003 under the United Nations Oil-for-Food program. Through this mode of immoral and illegal behavior, the AWB defrauded their shareholders out of their financial investments and profits as well as causing irreparable damage to Australia’s trade reputation globally. Further to this, the United Nations report on the inquiry into corruption in the Oil-for-Food Program, led by Paul Volcker, revealed that 2200 companies participating in the program were misappropriating funds from the United Nations accounts to redistribute them to the Iraqi government but none of the magnitude of the AWB.

    Moreover, AWB was a company with a high profile and faced serious legal problems. Therefore the AWB was likely to draw attention from both the Australian and worldwide public and media. Consequently, with the release of the report and mass media and public attention, the AWB was facing a dire crisis. Due to this in February 2006, the AWB managing director Andrew Lindberg resigned after demonstrating outrage. Throughout the press and collective Australian wheat growers.

    Scandal

    The AWB scandal has left an indelible black mark on the AWB’s reputation throughout the world and puts into question how reliable it was and how well suited it was to represent and market nearly all of Australia’s wheat to the overseas marketplace. In addition, the AWB was sued for AU$1 billion in compensation by collective wheat farmers in North America for alleged, bribery and other corrupt activities to corner the grain markets internationally. The effect of the scandal resulted in Iraq refusing to purchase wheat from the AWB and the consequential loss of a substantial overseas market for Australian wheat growers.

    In an attempt to minimize damage to the Howard Government’s reputation, Prime Minister Howard launched an official inquiry in November of 2006, into the payment of bribes by the AWB Ltd, formerly known as the Australian Wheat Board, to the Saddam Hussein regime, this inquiry essentially produced a whitewash report designed for several key purposes. Foremost, was the need to clear Prime Minister John Howard and his leading ministers of any political and/or criminal responsibility for the payment of bribes to Iraqi bureaucrats. Another critical concern was to fend off United States agricultural interests that were demanding the dismantling of the AWB’s wheat export monopoly as part of a ruthless trade war.

    To illustrate further

    It was paramount for the Howard government to prevent any examination of the motives behind Canberra’s participation in the U.S occupation of Iraq. Therefore, in an obvious act of scapegoating, inquiry Commissioner Cole singled out 11 former AWB executives and one ex-BHP executive for blame and the possibility of criminal prosecutions. Sanctioned by the Howard government the mass media immediately did its best to assist this diversionary exercise by dubbing these 12 individuals the ‘dirty-dozen’ in newspaper headlines around the country, demonstrating the great measures that politicians will take to cover their corruption.

    Howard’s use of Cole, a trusted lawyer who had previously conducted a witch-hunting inquiry against building workers on behalf of Prime Minister Howard wreaks of the unfettered abuse of governmental power. It was therefore not surprising that Cole attributed the payment of nearly $AU300 million in bribes under the United Nations 1996-2003 so-called Oil-for-Food Program solely to a handful of 12 individuals. Moreover, Cole stated that these 12 individuals’ deviant corrupt behavior developed from a closed culture of superiority. And impregnability within the organization. Which had existed produced by the AWB’s 67-year monopoly and stronghold over all Australian wheat exports.

    In addition to this

    Cole stated that it was obvious that the AWB’s unethical policy in Iraq was “to do whatever is necessary” to retain the $AU500 million in annual wheat sales. And further stated that was precisely what the Howard Government’s policy was at the time. The substantial and comprehensive documents tabled at the Cole inquiry confirm that the AWB. Which was a government agency up until 1999 and then subsequently privatized continue to operate and receive Canberra’s protection. Almost as a virtual arm of the Howard Government throughout the lead-up to the March 2003 U.S. led invasion of Iraq

    Conclusion

    The AWB scandal raises significant questions and concerns about the Australian policy-making processes. And the attitudes of the government ministers involved.

    Reference;

    It Retrieved from: https://www.ukessays.com/essays/criminology/australian-wheat-board-scandal.php?vref=1
    Image Source from Photo by Warren Wong on Unsplash.

    Criminology Overview on a Case Study of Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Essay Image
    Criminology Overview on a Case Study of Australian Wheat Board AWB Scandal Essay.
  • Qualities to Seek in a Private Criminal Defense Attorney Lawyer

    Qualities to Seek in a Private Criminal Defense Attorney Lawyer

    Thinking about hiring a private criminal defense attorney or lawyer? Then, make sure to look for the below-mentioned qualities accordingly. Getting involved with the criminal justice system can be quite complicated and cumbersome. So, when you’re facing a criminal charge, it’s important to have legal representation while defending your case. But, here’s the troubling thing.

    Here are the articles to explain, the qualities to seek and hire a private criminal defense attorney or lawyer!

    Finding the best criminal defense lawyer, especially in today’s world, can be quite daunting. And, if you don’t know what you’re doing, you may end up choosing the wrong person. This can affect your case’s verdict and your future as a whole.

    Thus, in this article, we’ll talk about what you should look for in a criminal defense attorney. It’s going to be a little informative. So, if you feel stuck somewhere, don’t forget to comment below. We’ll get back to you as soon as possible.

    Choosing The “Right” Criminal Defense Attorney

    When it comes to choosing the right private criminal defense attorney in Kansas City, you’ll need to get some considerations straight. Here’s what you need to know about them.

    Quality – 1: Integrity

    An attorney needs to be morally conscious and live by a strong principle or two. Otherwise, it won’t be possible for them to protect your general rights and help you make the right decisions. In addition, having a morally-upright person by your side can also make you feel confident, especially when you’re in court. 

    Quality – 2: Communication Skill

    As a lawyer, your attorney will need to be quick-witted and persuasive. However, apart from that, their overall communicative efficiency should be on-point as well. This way, they listen to everything you say and make a note of them accordingly. In addition, they will also be able to talk with prosecutors and negotiate the terms in the right way for you.

    Quality – 3: Understanding And Caring

    Being charged with a crime-related felony can be quite stressful and scary. Therefore, having someone who understands your current situation and is empathetic to you can be helpful. It can help you become emotionally stable and take care of your family’s psychological state as well. They can also maintain your public exposure so that you can manage your privacy.

    Quality – 4: Investigation Skill

    Criminal defense can involve a lot of time and research – and, you simply can’t have someone who’s going to “wing” it. It just doesn’t happen that way. Thus, when you’re hiring a lawyer, don’t forget to ask them how they’re going to investigate the case. Also, don’t forget to ask if they’ll take additional cash for it or not. Just to be sure, you know.

    Quality – 5: Aggressiveness 

    No, we’re not asking you to hire some rowdy and all – no. But, when you’re taking care of a serious case like a criminal felony, being a little aggressive will be important for you. When used at the right place and time, it can pose an advantage to you. For example, it might intimidate someone who’s thinking about lying to your face.

    Quality – 6: Experience

    No matter how minor your case is, you should always opt for an experienced lawyer. Or else, it’ll be impossible for your team to find out the nooks and crannies of the case and use them to your advantage. As a rule of thumb, you must look for someone who has been working in this segment for at least five years. The more, the better.

    Quality – 7: Confidentiality 

    Finally, as you’re dealing with a criminal case, you’ll need to keep everything confidential – every detail. And, for that, you’ll need to opt for someone diligent enough to understand the gravity of your case. A breach of critical or confidential information can hurt your case and chances of winning massively. So, be careful.

    The Final Say

    When it comes to handling a criminal case, it’s always best to hire a private criminal defense lawyer at the earliest. The more casually you take the whole thing, the more your chance of winning the case will diminish. 

    Therefore, be sure to do your planning early and try hiring the best possible lawyer for your case. Hopefully, they can turn the tide in your favor and help you get out of the entangling situation you’ve found yourself in. Good luck!

    Qualities to Seek in a Private Criminal Defense Attorney or Lawyer Image
    Qualities to Seek in a Private Criminal Defense Attorney or Lawyer; Photo by Kraken images on Unsplash.
  • Racial Profiling Means Criminology Canadian Law Essay

    Racial Profiling Means Criminology Canadian Law Essay

    What the Means of Racial Profiling? The Essay of Canadian Law in Criminology; The concern about RP is erupting throughout the country. Many provinces, cities, and social activist groups have decided to study racial profiling, or how race and ethnicity may play a part in police investigations. Toronto is no different. Allegations of racial profiling (RP) have been around for years and still are a subject that creates a lot of media hype and controversy surrounding police.

    Here is the article to explain, What does Means of Racial Profiling? The Essay of Canadian Law in Criminology!

    They should not mix in with criminal profiling, because they are two different things. It is not specific to one race or one country. Being racially profiled can happen to anyone no matter what race or gender or what country they live in. In Toronto, there have been numerous newspaper and television articles accusing the Toronto Police Service of systemic racism and racial profiling. Along with the media articles, there have existed complaints filed to the Ontario Human Rights Commission accusing the Toronto Police Service and its’ members of racial profiling.

    Essay;

    Naturally, the race is what makes allegations of RP by the Toronto Police Service; so controversial and, at least at the level of public rhetoric, so condemned. But it is important to rethink RP through the lens of criminal profiling and to reduce race to the role; that it is purportedly playing in racial profiling, namely a predictive factor; to treat race no differently than we would gender, class, age, or any other profile that works; to take the focus away from race and place it on criminal profiling more generally. Rethinking RP through the lens of criminal profiling sheds light on police practices. This paper will examine the allegations of racial profiling against the Toronto Police Service to prove; that the Service does not systematically racially profile instead they systematically criminally profile.

    To examine RP and criminally profiling one must understand the differences between the two. Although there is no clear definition of RP, there is a common component in all of the definitions. This paper will define them as the practice of targeting racial minorities for criminal investigation solely or, in part, based on their skin color. For example, a male black is driving down the expressway in a brand new red Ferrari obeying all laws. Police observed the male and stop him just because of the color of his skin.

    Harvard Latino Law Review;

    According to the Harvard Latino Law Review, criminal profiling involves; “the use of racial or ethnic characteristics by police departments in stopping an individual; because his or her description matches that of an actual suspect. In this sense, race functions as the equivalent of hair color or height; which can then exist used in combination with other factors to paint a more accurate portrait of a suspected criminal. As a result, generalized notions of criminal propensity exist not projected onto an individual; because of that person’s membership in a particular racial or ethnic group”. For example, using the previous example of the male black driving the red Ferrari, police stop the male; because he is driving in the general area of the incident. His vehicle matches the description given by the witness, along with his gender and skin color.

    This paper concedes that RP does exist on an individual basis within the Toronto Police Service. This stood confirmed by Chief Blair of the Toronto Police Service; who was speaking at a diversity conference “Racism is a human failing. They can occur. We’ve acknowledged that right up front…”. Social activist groups along with minorities groups’ claims of systemic RP by the Toronto Police Service do exist; and, refer to publish articles to support their claims; such as the 2002 series of articles written by the Toronto Star newspaper.

    Toronto Police database;

    The Toronto Star newspaper articles used empirical data collected from the Toronto Police Service’s CIPS database. According to the newspaper articles it examined 480,000 files contained within the database, relating to arrest and traffic stops; and concluded that “Blacks arrested by Toronto Police stand treated more harshly than white…”, and “a disproportionate number of black motorists exist ticketed for violations that only surface following a traffic stop. This difference, says civil libertarians, community leaders, and criminologists, suggest police use racial profiling in deciding whom to pull over”.

    The Star supported their claims of RP by the Toronto Police Service by providing statistical analysis of the database; which compared the number of arrests and tickets issued to blacks and showed; how disproportionate they were to the number of whites living in Toronto. Social groups and minorities further their claims of being systematically racially profiled by the Toronto Police Service by using recent rulings by The Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario; and the fact that the exists no statistical data collected by race by the Toronto Police Service.

    Case;

    On June 18th, 2009 The Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario handed down a decision on a case involving members of the Toronto Police Service and a black Canada Post letter carrier. In the tribunals’ decision, they concluded that Ron Phipps existed racially profiled by white police. The adjudicator wrote in her submission“I find that Michael Shaw did discriminate against the applicant on March 9, 2005, in the provision of police services based on color, contrary to section 1 and 9 of the Code”.

    The non-uses of race-based statistics by the Toronto Police Service exist also another argument used by groups to support their claims. They argue that the ” One fears that the only reason the Police Board refuses to release this data is to ensure that the public does not get updated information on racial profiling”.

    Examining the Toronto Star article as a police officer;

    There are errors in their conclusions. The Toronto Star compiled its’ data using the files contained in the CIPS database. This database ONLY contained files relating to arrests and tickets issued to persons. The problem using only this database is that it does not take into account the number of persons; the police had investigated where there was no arrest or ticket issued. This would distort the true number of persons stopped by police, which would affect Toronto Star’s conclusions; either enforcing their claims of systemic racial profiling by the Toronto Police Service or disproving it.

    The data collected by the Toronto Star existed also disputed by Allan Gold based on the distinction between reactive and proactive policing. Gold argues reactive policing could attribute to claims of RP while proactive policing will not. When it comes to the collection of data, the Toronto Start uses both styles of policing which flawed their conclusion.

    Gold also disagreed with the Toronto Star’s use of the general census numbers in its data comparison; and, its claims that it claimed a recognized baseline standard. Gold argues that no reputable researcher would use the figures from the general census and in fact; the American literature on racial profiling makes it clear; that the uses of the general census as a baseline are worthless. He further claims that the construction of the baseline is crucial and because of that fact; the Toronto Star article should stand dismissed.

    Ontario Human Rights Commission;

    The Ontario Human Rights Commission uses the following definition of RP; “any action undertaken for reasons of safety, security or public protection, that relies on stereotypes about race, color, ethnicity, ancestry, religion, or place of origin, or a combination of these, rather than on a reasonable suspicion, to single out an individual for greater scrutiny or different treatment”. The Ontario Human Rights Commission’s definition exists broader compared to the definition used in the courts; “the practice of targeting racial minorities for criminal investigation solely or, in part, based on their skin color”.

    This Ontario Human Rights Commission broad definition of RP does not allow the factor of race to play any part in a police officer’s decision. This means that no matter what if police use race as a factor; then he is racially profiling according to the Commission’s definition. In the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal decision where Ron Phipps filed a complaint of RP against members of the Toronto Police Service, the adjudicator said; “In this case, as in many cases alleging racial discrimination; there is no direct evidence that race was a factor in the officer’s decision to take the actions that he did”.

    Even with this statement, the adjudicator found the member of the Toronto Police Service guilty saying; “I find that Michael Shaw did discriminate against the applicant on March 9, 2005”. The adjudicator used circumstantial evidence in her decision of quilt but should have used clear defined evidence. According to Chief Blair of the Toronto Police Service, the ruling created “an impossibly high standard”; and, “you can have the best of intentions and be total without bias; but, none of that matters if someone wants to believe you exist biased”.

    Ontario Progressive Conservative leadership campaign;

    In the recent Ontario Progressive Conservative leadership campaign; Tim Hudak and Randy Hillier both members of the Ontario Parliament called for the overhaul of the Ontario Human Rights Tribunal. They claimed the current system is dysfunctional and called for an evidence-based system one similar to the family court system instead of a system that is based on “hurt feelings”.

    In response to the allegations of RP based on the non-publications of race-based statistics, They do not refer to the act of a law enforcement agent pursuing a suspect in which the specific description of the suspect includes race or ethnicity in combination with other identifying factors The term “racial profiling” has existed used loosely and lacks a universally accepted definition Wortley argues for more research and more data collection by police forces, saying the refusal to deal with it will “ensure that the issue of racial discrimination continues to haunt law enforcement agencies for decades to come.”

    Historically, it has stood accepted and appreciated that law enforcement officers exist authorized to legally and effectively take actions to prevent crime, maintain order, and enforce the law. In this regard, law enforcement has always possessed the granted authority to exercise discretion in crime interdiction of which criminal profiling contributes to such decisions. Over time, however, some proactive police practices that included certain types of profiling have existed viewed more critically than others.

    The concept of criminal profiling;

    The concept of criminal profiling was first introduced into traditional law enforcement to assist in criminal investigations during the latter part of the 20th century. Criminologists and psychologists provided the methods of profiling to law enforcement to help connect victims, witnesses, and especially perpetrators to the criminal activity. The criminal profiles contributed to solving crimes and preventing the occurrence of future criminal offenses.

    In general terms, criminal profiling existed defined as the practice of describing an individual; who had committed a particular criminal act; thereby equipping law enforcement officers with investigative mechanisms and information leading to the apprehension of the offender. The criminal analysis often consisted of physical characteristics, behavioral perspective, behavioral classifications, and social or criminal associations. It was and continues to be an acceptable law enforcement practice although scholars caution; that general criminal profiling is not suitable for all crimes; and, must not exist used as a substitute for better investigation strategies.

    Racial Profiling Means Criminology Canadian Law Essay Image
    Racial Profiling Means Criminology Canadian Law Essay